One year after its signing in Barcelona, the National Pact for the Language, intended to mark a turning point in Catalonia's linguistic policies, has seen mixed results, according to experts. While municipal engagement has been strong, progress in key areas like education and justice remains limited.
The Pact, signed with a 2030 horizon, aimed to address a long-ignored crisis in the use of Catalan. It was backed by a record budget of €255 million in its first year, with the Ministry of Linguistic Policy proposing an €85 million budget if approved, a significant increase from the €30 million managed a decade or two ago. A core objective is to gain 600,000 new Catalan speakers within five years, compared to 267,600 in the previous five-year period. To help achieve this, a shock plan for adult Catalan learning was announced, aiming for 140,000 places by 2026, plus an additional 50,000 basic course places for extraordinarily regularised immigrants who need to show integration.
However, major political and social groups, including Junts, CUP, USTEC, and ANC, have not joined the Pact. Despite this, over 200 local councils across Catalonia have adhered to the initiative, taking on a role in promoting the language and receiving aid to offer Catalan courses.
Experts Call for Stronger Action
Experts consulted by ARA have offered a qualitative assessment of the Pact's first year. One expert noted that it is good to focus on the real linguistic conflict, which is the minoritisation and eventual replacement of Catalan in its own territories, after years of complacent denial. They added that placing the Catalan language on the political agenda and allocating resources to educational provision is positive, with the understanding that Catalan must be a factor of social progress for those who learn it.
Another expert drew a comparison, stating that the sociolinguistic situation is similar to that of the railway network, and therefore requires the same shock measures. They criticised the insufficient vigour shown in enforcing existing linguistic norms, the vague response to the Spanish language ruling in classrooms, and the timidity in crossing regional limits and making Catalan a requirement in all administrative areas.
One analysis suggested the Pact starts from a good diagnosis, which has led the institutional political world to openly accept linguistic minoritisation. The planned actions and the still partial execution of programmed interventions represent the most intense planning effort undertaken to date. The actions and budget will undoubtedly have an impact, but linguistic and social change requires time and, crucially, intervention in the right direction.
Challenges and Missed Opportunities
Some experts believe the Pact is flawed because it lacks the involvement of key political, institutional, and social agents. This weakens the collective effort needed for the colossal challenge ahead and keeps the language issue in a dynamic of political confrontation, which does not help achieve consensus. The current situation of the Catalan language is one of extraordinary weakness; therefore, big problems require big solutions, and some fear the Pact has fallen short. Deep and intense interventions are needed in education, healthcare, business, and the digital world, but there are no signs of model changes. It is necessary to break the legal ceiling that constrains the language, otherwise, success will be difficult. The key question is whether to accept the conflict; some argue it must be accepted when not doing so leads to disaster.
Another perspective highlighted that a good initial diagnosis has created consensus that the situation is poor. Due to the absurd triumphalism of previous governments, language use has declined without actions to stop it. A strong commitment has been made to teaching Catalan to adults, including the creation of the A1 level, although this is considered insufficient. This is the most powerful initiative in favour of the language presented in the last 20 years, and therefore, it needs time to consolidate.
One expert argued that it is not a true National Pact because not all political agents who support Catalan as a language of social cohesion are involved; it is an ambitious government plan, but without national scope. Other government ministers, not even the president, have fully embraced it, which explains why measures are not being advanced in areas such as education, business, health, justice, and leisure (sports, culture, audiovisual). There has not been a clear before and after the Pact.
Looking Ahead: Digital and Municipal Focus
The Pact has placed linguistic rights on everyone's agenda, even creating a degree of competition to see who does more. The leadership of the PSC is seen as interesting because it brings in more resources from various sources and broadens proactivity towards the language, suggesting it is not solely an independence issue. It also expands the areas from which action can be taken. The future of Catalan is not just about the National Pact or €200 million a year, but also about the Pyrenees Olympic Games, Hard Rock, the airport expansion, and who buys housing in Barcelona. The Pact finally addresses this in its preamble, but does not confront it because neither the powers nor the parties are aligned.
The Pact has activated municipal linguistic policy, which is key for Catalan to reach spaces like local festivals, nurseries, extracurricular activities, and signage. Increased investment for the Consortium for Linguistic Normalisation for Catalan courses is also positive, although attention must be paid to actual use, not just learning.
A significant problem for the Pact is that no budget has been approved, leaving it in limbo. It is very difficult to change decades-long dynamics where language has not been central; linguistic policy departments are proof of a failure, meaning the linguistic policy law has not been enforced for 27 years. The forbidden word is 'imposed', but for more use, Catalan must be necessary, and therefore, it must be obligatory. This requires education, training, linguistic requirements, opening files, and imposing sanctions. It is unacceptable that linguistic violations have increased by 650% in a decade and a citizen organisation like Plataforma per la Llengua has to take legal action. The immersion model cannot be pretended to work anymore, as language use among young people is extremely low, and the Pact ignores this. In audiovisuals, 3Cat and ICEC cannot finance Spanish products and not commit to creating ten international-level series in Catalan. A language is not just a feeling; it is a market.
The most important aspect is for the language to return to the centre of the country's collective project, rather than being a sectoral cultural or educational policy. The value of the Pact will depend on its ability to generate new shared consensuses and commitments. The recognition of the decisive importance of the digital sphere is welcomed. Catalan must be in the classroom, in the media, and on the street, but also in search engines, platforms, devices, and artificial intelligence tools. Language is also a matter of infrastructure. Catalan cannot be limited to being a protected or symbolically recognised language; it must be a useful, functional, and competitive language. The main risk is that it remains a merely declarative pact and not an operational programme.
